URBAN NAXALS

 

 

 

 

 

THE drastic reduction in presence of Left Wing Extremists (LWE) from hitherto hotbeds of Naxalism in the last seven-eight years forms the basis of Home Minister Mr. Amit Shah’s assertion that the Maoists problem in the country would end in the next two-to-three years. Mr. Shah is continuously reiterating that the LWE is on its last legs in the country and it is just a matter of time before the scourge is totally eliminated. His claims have strong backing of figures that show a big fall in the number of Naxal groups in erstwhile corridors in Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh, Andhra Pradesh, Telangana and Maharashtra. Some pockets in Chhattisgarh and neighbouring areas still have Maoists operating from deep jungles but they, too, are finding it hard to survive after foolproof operations launched by special forces and police in the affected States. The high number of casualties suffered by Naxals in the last few months in Chhattisgarh is another indicator of the fight against the menace reaching its last stage. While the overall scenario in the Naxal-affected regions provides a big relief to the residents, another front is steadily stemming concerns for the administration and policy-makers. The rise in urban Naxalism is becoming prominent in recent years as the Maoists are changing their strategies to influence urban populations.

 

The sudden rise in activism through mass organisations peddling propaganda against the State cannot be called a mere coincidence. It is a systematically planned programme designed by the Maoist ideologues to target certain sections of the urban society. Many such organisations are being used as “fronts” by the urban network of Maoists to peddle their dirty agenda. Intelligence agencies, too, are constantly raising red-flags on many such rallies and “protests” which have a clear footprint of Naxal ideology. The recent event at Delhi University (DU) where graffiti and posters were found commemorating the Naxalbari Uprising of 1967 serves as a stark reminder of the reach of urban Naxals who are out to brainwash young minds. Such events remained on the radar of the Intelligence sources and security agencies as their number was small and they were mostly concentrated at known notorious places in the capital. What rings an alarm bell is the spread of such thinking in the DU campus which normally remains untouched by such events. The Intelligence agencies have also found connection of two pro-Maoist outfits working in Chhattisgarh’s restive Bastar region.

 

The reported involvement of student organisation Bhagat Singh Chhatra Ekta Manch is concerning as it finds strong links with Chhattisgarh-based pro-Maoist civil society Moolniwasi Bachao Manch Bastar. The connection is disconcerting and is also a strong indicator of the invasion of urban Naxals into the university ecosystem. Their modus operandi is clear -- pursue civil rights issues in the name of democratic process and exploit loopholes to their advantage. The Chhattisgarh connection adds special significance to the DU incident. The State has seen a major offensive against LWE under the current dispensation. The number of encounters has gone up and Naxals are being dealt mighty blows. There is also a major movement under way where Naxals are laying down their arms. All these factors add an intriguing layer of curiosity to the DU incident. There seems to be a tactical shift in the strategy of the Maoists, especially in Chhattisgarh, to divert resources through urban channels to tap the vulnerable young minds in the society while keeping political and security mechanisms engaged in on-ground activities. It is imperative to deal with the covert front with the same ferocity as with the visible front.